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Careful analysis by Richmond campaign shows up weaknesses in Airports Commission economic arguments

Monday, 28 September 2015

The Airports Commission, in recommending Heathrow as the location for a new runway, has given the impression that it would benefit the regions and create more connectivity for regional airports. An analysis of the Commission’s many papers, by the Richmond Heathrow Campaign (RHC), has unearthed very different data.  These indicate that the Heathrow north west runway would mean an extra 41 million annual passengers at Heathrow, but a loss of 58 million passengers per year from other UK airports, including Birmingham, Manchester and Glasgow. The RHC does not consider this to be compatible with the “Northern Powerhouse.” They also believe that over 50% of the new runway capacity would be used for an extra 22 million International to International transfers, providing little economic value to the UK as these passengers don’t step outside the airport. The RHC comments that the Commission’s data shows the investment of £17.6 billion to build the runway would result in a net benefit of £1.4 billion (present value over 60 years) when other costs are taken into account. This is negligible in macro-economic terms. The RHC says the Commission’s own reports show “there is no need for this costly new investment in one airport at the expense of others. Allowing the market to grow where it is needed is the right answer – no new runways.”
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Let’s Face the Facts on Heathrow

27th September 2015

Worried about escalating house prices and rents in the south-east?

Agree with the need to re-balance the UK economy through a Northern Powerhouse?

What would you think about a Government decision that increased the over-heating in the southeast and worked against a re-balancing of the economy? You’d think it was nuts, wouldn’t you?

Let’s look at some surprising facts:

1. Heathrow’s third runway would support an extra 41 million passengers a year. But this growth is concentrated at a single airport in the over-heated south-east, and results in a loss of 58 million passengers a year from other UK airports, including Birmingham, Manchester and Glasgow.

Compatible with the Northern Powerhouse? Surely not.

2. Want to increase the UK’s aviation capacity and international competitiveness? The Airports Commission’s own data show a reduction of 17 million passengers for the UK as a whole, including business passengers and domestic passengers, as well as a reduction in flights and connectivity if the Heathrow option is chosen.

3. Want the passengers using the airspace to benefit the UK economy? Over 50% of the new runway capacity would be used for an extra 22 million International to International transfers, providing little economic value to the UK as these passengers don’t step outside the airport.

4. And for those of you who are into macro-economic data, a final astonishing fact: The Commission says the investment of £17.6 billion [runway building costs. Page  271. Point 13.80 of Airports Commission final report ]  would result in a net benefit of £1.4 billion (present value over 60 years).  [This figure is from Page 89  point 3.148 of the commission’s report Business Case and Sustainability Assessment – Heathrow Airport Northwest Runway ]  This sounds a decent sum but it is negligible in macro-economic terms and within the margin for statistical error. And that’s ignoring the fact that the figure may be even smaller if full calculations for noise and air pollution and investment in transport to and from the airport, were to be included.

Don’t believe it? We were astonished too. But let’s face the facts before investing £17 billion on Heathrow Airport plus a further £20 billion required to improve surface transport access: the evidence shows it will not deliver what we and the Government want. And we haven’t even mentioned all the problems of compliance with CO2, air pollution and noise targets.

These facts are all in the Airport’s Commission final report. Good stuff. But the conclusion reached is not supported by the facts.

The fact is that there is already significant spare capacity at almost all UK’s airports including
Heathrow itself, which the Commission says has capacity to add another 34 million terminating passengers without any additional flights by using larger planes. Heathrow is far from full. There is no need for this costly new investment in one airport at the expense of others. Allowing the market to grow where it is needed is the right answer – no new runways.
We challenge the supporters of Heathrow expansion to debate the facts with us before it is too late.

Take a look rhcfacts.org/ukhub/. It’s astonishing.

Contact details: Richmond Heathrow Campaign. http://ift.tt/1RwFhvI

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The report from the Richmond Heathrow Campaign

Heathrow recommendation for Heathrow Expansion The Aviation Market and Economics – Key Facts

 

 

 



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Sir Howard Davies writes to Patrick McLoughlin and the GLA to dismiss Gatwick’s claims

Monday, 28 September 2015

The Airports Commission, now almost closed down, has published on its website a letter to the GLA from Sir Howard Davies, setting out why they believe strongly that their analysis is robust to the arguments that Gatwick airport have made (recently repeated). The Commission also published a letter to the Transport Secretary, Patrick McLoughlin, dated the 7th September, and now copied to the GLA, countering all Gatwick’s arguments why it should be the site for a new runway. The Commission’s letter to Patrick McLoughlin deal with Regional Connectivity, on which they dismiss Gatwick’s claims; Economic Benefits, on which the Commission says the benefits to the UK from a Heathrow runway are substantially greater than a Gatwick runway; on Costs and Charges; Deliverability and Financing; Air Quality; and Noise. The Commission says, quote: “GAL accuse the Airports Commission of having ‘largely ignore[d]’ Gatwick’s lower noise impacts compared to those of Heathrow. That is nonsense.”  Sir Howard Davies’ letter to the GLA covers the issues of capacity and resilience, connectivity, noise mitigation, surface access and finance. Criticising the session at the GLA where Sir Howard was interviewed, he says there was no “serious consideration of the role of aviation, and the benefits of expansion, in supporting the capital’s long term prosperity.”
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There are links to both letters on the Airports Commission website at http://ift.tt/1WsVZ3t


The letter to Jennette Arnold OBE AM, Chair of the London Assembly http://ift.tt/1L0ZFWa


 

The letter to Transport Minister, Patrick McLoughlin

To:
The Rt. Hon. Patrick McLoughlinMP
Secretary of State
Department for Transport
Great Minster House
33 Horseferry Road
London SW1P 4DR

From:
Sir Howard Davies
Chair Airports Commission
Sanctuary Buildings
20 Great Smith Street
London SW1P 3BT

 

Date: 7 September 2015

 

Dear Secretary of State,
I am writing in response to recent media coverage of the criticisms made by Gatwick
Airport Ltd (GAL) of the analysis and recommendations in the Airports Commission’s
Final Report. The majority of the points made by GAL in the media were in reality
also made to the Commission in the course of its work and we considered them
carefully before we reached our conclusions. I thought it may therefore be helpful to
provide an overview of this and to explain why we believe strongly that our work is
robust to these criticisms.
GAL’s criticisms fall into seven broad categories, with which this letter deals in turn.

Traffic Forecasts

The reliability of the Airports Commission’s forecasts, which were derived using an
enhanced version of the DfT aviation model, wasregularly questioned by GAL
throughout the Commission process and therefore commanded our close attention.
This included commissioning additional advice from the OECD and from a leading
academic expert, Professor Andreas Schaefer,as tothe robustness of both our
forecasting approach and the criticisms and alternative forecasts put forward by
GAL. Their conclusions were unequivocal:

  • In respect of the Commission’s forecasts, the OECD found that: the various
    trends in the Commission’s traffic forecasts … are plausible, and that the
    various points raised by the consultees do not provide persuasive evidence
    that the airport allocation model is biased. The forecasts provide, in our view,
    a valid basis for the Commission to compare the impacts and relative merits
    of different options for investment in additional capacity at London’s airports.
  • In respect of the DfT aviation model, Professor Schaefer found that: “The
    scale, capability, and level of detail of the DfT aviation model system is
    impressive. I am not aware of … any other country having such kind of
    apparatus available … In addition, I found the overall modelling approach to
    be coherent and the model specifications to follow good practice.”
  • In respect of GAL’s forecasting model, Professor Schaefer found that: “it is not
    clear how the results were produced and what specific assumptions they are
    based on. Without more detail … it is not possible to disprove that the ICF
    Model is based on a set of assumptions rather than rigorous quantitative
    relationships. Therefore it is my recommendation that the ICF Report results
    should not be used for decision making.”

 

We strongly disagree with the Gatwick’s view that the Commission’s forecasts underestimate the level of passenger growth that would be seen at an expanded
Gatwick and overestimate growth at an expanded Heathrow. Even so, we have
always acknowledged the risks associated with longterm forecasting. That is why
we developed a scenariobased methodology, which enabled us to understand the
implications for our analysis of different views of the future. In some circumstances
an expanded Gatwick wouldperform more stronglythan in our assessment of need
forecasts, but these required extreme assumptions about economic growth or
industry development. Heathrow expansion saw rapid increases in passenger
numbers and services across the full range of scenarios tested.
In making its case, GAL also focuses on individual figures rather than looking at
longterm trends. For example, it refers to the 2.7 million increase in passenger
numbers seen in 2014 to support its argumentthat an expanded Gatwick would grow
faster than we have forecast. In fact, the 2014 increaseat Gatwick was unusual. The
previous year, for example, passenger numbers increased by just 1.2 million and
average growth between 2004 and 2014, even with spare capacity available, was
less than 0.7 million a year.Similarly, the differences between the Commission’s and
GAL’s shortterm estimates of passenger numbers are of limited relevance, as we
both see the airport’s single runway reaching capacity before 2020.

GAL’s final point is that the difference in forecast growth between an expanded
Gatwick and an expanded Heathrow ( m vs 3 m passengers over the 5 yearsto
2030) is inexplicable.We do not consider that this is the case. As set out above, with
spare capacity available, Gatwick has grown at less than 1m passengers per year
over the past ten years. The provision of significant new capacity, particularly in the
morning and evening peak periods, ould accelerate this, as our forecasts show, but
would not fundamentally alter the underlying demand without broader changes in the
economy or aviation industry. In contrast, Heathrow is one of the world’s most
profitable airports from which to operate and has been capacity constrained for many
years. As a result, it is reasonable to assume a high level of suppressed demand for
runway slots. The willingness of airlines, most recently Vietnam Airways, to switch
from Gatwick to Heathrow as soon as slots become available bears this out. The
construction of a new runway would allow this suppressed demand to be met,
leading to rapid growth in passenger numbers and services.
Regional connectivity

GAL has argued that an expanded Gatwick Airport would be better for regional
connectivity than expansion at Heathrow, but their argument misunderstands and
misrepresents the Commission’s analysis. They state that Gatwick is preferable
because an expanded Heathrow – according to the Commission’s forecasts – would
serve only fourdomestic routes compared to the seven served currently and
compared to eight at an expanded Gatwick.

There are three flaws in this argument. The first is that, without any additional
measures to safeguard domestic connectivity, an unexpanded Heathrow would see
domestic routes decline even further to just three. In contrast, expansion at Gatwick
makes no difference to the number of domestic routes forecast at the airport, which
would be eight with or without expansion.

The second flawis that the argument assumes that a link to one London airport is
the same as a link to another. Our discussions with stakeholders in the nations and
regions revealed very clearly the importance that they attach to direct links to
Heathrow because of the access provided to its substantial longhaul route network.
A third runway at Heathrow would allow further expansion in that network as well as
more than trebling the number of domestic passengers able to access it.

The third flaw is that the Commission’s forecasts do not assume any additional
measures are taken to promote domestic connectivity to the expanded airport. A
number of such measures are, however, feasible and are recommended in our Final
report. These include reduced passenger charges on domestic services and the use
of Public Service Obligations to support a broad route network. Therefore, we
believe that the level of domestic connectivity could be greater than that indicated by
our forecastsalone. EasyJet’s submission to our consultation indicated thatitwould
consider serving around seven domestic destinations from an expanded Heathrow.

Economic Benefits

Contrary to GAL’s assertions, the direct economic benefits of expansion at Gatwick
and Heathrow are not ‘virtually the same’. In both the‘carbon traded’ and ‘carbon
capped’ forecasts, the net social benefits of a new north west runway at Heathrow
are roughly twothirds higher than those of a second runway at Gatwick.
The Commission has acknowledged that if the costs of the schemes are
incorporated into the calculation, the gap may be narrowed or reversed. But this is
not primarily a public investment decision, but rather a decision as to which of a
number of private sector schemes, in each case likely to be funded significantly by
international investors, should be facilitated through the planning system. The
Commission’s view is that this should be the scheme which delivers the greatest
benefits for the UK.

We have also been careful in our use of the more innovative modelling of wider
economic impacts carried out by PWC. In particular, we have been clear that these
results are based (for both Gatwick and Heathrow) on an assumption that investment
in aviation capacity is likely to stimulate knockon investment elsewhere in the
economy, and for that reason have considered themas part of the strategic case
and not as part of our cost-benefit analysis.

In doing so, and bearing in mind our expert advisers’ notes of caution, the
Commission considered carefully whether the monetised outputs of this modelling
were consistent with its broader strategic analysis of the schemes’ benefits and
impacts. Our conclusion was that they were. Expansion at Heathrow delivered
greaterbenefits for the UK’s longhaul network, enabled more rapid growth in
inboundand business travel and in the air freight sector and enhanced competition
to a greater degree than expansion at Gatwick. Heathrow expansion also had a
stronger impact on the surrounding local economies, generating more jobs more
quickly than expansion at Gatwick. This overall analysis aligned well with the PWC
results, which showed much stronger impacts across the UK economy from
expansion at Heathrow – more than £140 billion over 60 years compared to c. £90
with a second runway at Gatwick.

Costs and Charges

GAL’s argument that the lower costs of expansion at Gatwick should inevitably mean
lower per passenger charges is entirely misguided. The level of charge is a function
not only of the cost of the scheme, but also of the number of passengers paying for
it. The higher levels of demand seen at Heathrow significantly reduce the charge
required on a per passenger basis. GAL’s proposed ‘contract’ to limit charges to £15
could at best be considered the starting point for a negotiationgiven its significant
reas of omission (including any information on penalties should GAL fail to comply
with the contract’s provisions),and would in any case do nothing toalter the
underlying commercial fundamentals of the project.

Deliverability and Financing

A range of issues, including the need to tunnel and widen the M25 and to deliver
other transport improvements, as well as to relocate an existing EnergytoWaste
plant, are highlighted by GAL as indicating that the Commission must have
underestimated the delivery challenges associated with the north west runway
proposal at Heathrow. In fact, each of these was identified and considered by the
Commission, as was the additional evidence on this topic submitted by GAL to our
consultation,before we reached ourview that itwould be feasible for the scheme to
be delivered by 2026. It is important to note, however, that this is not a prediction;
any scheme of this kind is subject to a range of delivery risks and uncertainties.
While earlier delivery would undoubtedly be of benefit, the Commission’s
assessment of need was for new capacity to be available by 2030. Our deliverability
analysis gives us confidence that this would be the case.

GAL’s comparison of the level of spend required to construct Terminal 5 with that to
deliver a new runway is oversimplistic. Alongside constructing T5, Heathrow Airport
Ltd had to continue to invest in and operate its existing infrastructure. These
additional costs are taken into account in our assessment of commercial
deliverability. Furthermore, GAL provides no evidence for why a higher rate of
expenditure would not be feasible. Heathrow Airport Ltd have significant experience
in managing major development projects on an operational airfield which would be of
direct relevance to the construction of a new runway and it supporting infrastructure.

Air Quality

GAL argue that our analysis of the air quality issues around Heathrow is based on an
incorrect interpretation of the law. We do not agree. We considered carefullythe
legal arguments put forward by GAL in their submissions to our consultations, before
reaching a view that thosearguments were themselves unsoundand, if we had
accepted them, would have left us open to challenge.

Our air quality analysis was carried out by one of the UK’s leading consultants in this
fieldwith oversight and quality control offered by another, and withthe support of
Helen ApSimon, Professor of Air Pollution Studies at Imperial College and a member
of DEFRA’s Air Quality Expert Group. The allegations of incompleteness and
inconsistency made by GAL were dealt with in full in the report on the responses to
our air quality consultation. In our Final Report, we acknowledge the air quality
challenges facing the UK, includingthe requirement on the Government to achieve
theEU limit values in London. Our analysis demonstrates, however,that the impacts
of expansion at Heathrow would be a manageable part of this broader issue, which
we believe the Government can feasibly devise and implement appropriate
measures to address. In our view, therefore, limited weight should be placed on the
suggestion that air quality represents a significant obstacle to expansion.

Noise

GAL accuse the Airports Commission of having ‘largely ignore[d]’ Gatwick’s lower
noise impacts compared to those ofHeathrow. That is nonsense. We have been
aware from an early stage of our work of Gatwick’s relative advantage in respect of
noise impacts, and this is brought out clearly, for example, in the Executive
Summary of our Final Report:
Although an expanded Gatwick would see more people affected by noise than today,
its overall noise impacts would still be much less significant than those around
Heathrow.In terms of the total number of people affected, an expanded Heathrow
would see more than 550,000 people within the 24hour 55 LDEN contour in 2030
compared to just over 22,000 at Gatwick. That reflects Gatwick’s more rural location,
which presents challenges in respect of the airport’s effects on tranquility, but does
not outweigh its overall noise advantage.
Similarly, GAL has accused us of failing to properly assess the number of people
who might be newly affected by noise as a result of expansion at Heathrow. In fact,
we have carried out such an assessment (and, perversely, it is our own figures that
GAL has quoted in in its advertisements on this point). What is important, however,
is the overall noise impact – including those who experience an improvement in the
noise environment as a result of expansion as well as those who experience a
worsening. For the Heathrow scheme, the population for whom noise levels would
reduce as a result of the redesigned flightpaths made possible by expansion could
be very substantial – well over 200,000 people.Therefore, it is these net figures that
we concentrate on in our analysis and reports.

I hope this is helpful in providing reassurance that our analysis is robust to the
arguments made by GAL in their recent releases to the press.

I am copying this letter to Philip Rutnam and Sir Jeremy Heywood. I would be
grateful if it could be circulated to the membersof the Economic Affairs (Airports)
Subcommittee.

Yours Sincerely
Sir Howard Davies, Chair

 

http://ift.tt/1VmU2TP



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West Country MP says “London mustn’t have a veto on Heathrow” – led to believe a runway would benefit his region

Thursday, 24 September 2015

An MP from the South West, Dr Liam Fox (MP for North Somerset) has said that a decision on a runway for the south east should not be made by people in London alone. Though he does graciously concede that: “Residents of west London who live beneath the flightpath do have legitimate concerns” he says “the capital must not be allowed to dominate a debate that is about the future of the whole UK.” And he produces the figures of benefit of a 3rd Heathrow runway to the South West of “a £10 billion increase in economic activity, as well as 12,300 new jobs.” Unfortunately these figures are actually up to 2050. They also come from a (4 page) paper from consultants employed by Heathrow airport, long before the Airports Commission’s final report.  Dr Fox believes there will be a big expansion in business air travel, and that there will be many more flights to regional airports, like those in the SW. He does not seem to have read the Commission’s comments about there being regional flights to only 4 domestic airports (from 7 now) by 2050, or Howard Davies’ comments to the London Assembly about regional airports being likely to close. Dr Fox – and other MPs in the regions – would perhaps do well to understand the limitations and failings of the Commission’s work on wider UK economic impacts of a SE runway.
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Liam Fox (Tory MP in the west country) says “London mustn’t have a veto on Heathrow”

Liam says :*The expansion of the hub airport is in the national interest – it will boost the economy by billions*

By Liam Fox (Conservative MP for North Somerset)

17.9.2015

As we approach the London Mayoral election in 2016 there will be an increasing tendency for London-based media and politicians to see issues even more in terms of the capital than is usual. For those of us outside the M25, it will be an opportunity to show how “London” issues can have a huge impact on the rest of us. A prime example is the need for greater runway capacity.

Three years have passed since the Coalition asked Sir Howard Davies’ Airports Commission to identify the most effective option for expanding the UK’s airport capacity. The commission has now provided a “clear and unanimous’’ recommendation that a third runway at Heathrow would provide “more substantial economic and strategic benefits’’ to Britain than any other option.

The Davies commission was endorsed by the Conservatives and Labour. Its recommendations enjoy wide cross-party support. Graham Brady, chairman of the Conservative 1922 Committee of backbench MPs, suggests that up to 600 MPs would support the findings if it came to a vote in the Commons.  [The 1922 Committee is a group of back bench, right leaning MPs. Link ]

Yet the airport question is still considered a purely London issue. [Not clear why he says that?].  While MPs whose constituencies lie closest to Heathrow have certainly been the most vocal in their opposition, the capital must not be allowed to dominate a debate that is about the future of the whole UK.

Residents of west London who live beneath the flightpath do have legitimate concerns. One of the great benefits of the commission’s recommendation is that it includes measures to reduce drastically noise pollution from the airport. [Really? The measures proposed seem to make little difference and end up with much more noise overall].

As a Somerset MP, though, my first question for any proposal must always be: “How does this benefit the South West?’’ A third runway at Heathrow offers my region a £10 billion increase in economic activity, as well as 12,300 new jobs. [That is up to 2050. The origin of this claim is not given by Liam Fox, but comes from a 4-page document, undated, with no authorship, or contact details, produced for Heathrow by Quod.   Link  Details below.]

This is partially facilitated by the Government’s pledge to construct a £500 million rail link connecting the Great Western mainline directly to Heathrow Terminal 5. This link, which includes a tunnel under the M25, will reduce journey times to London by half an hour and allow passengers to board a train at Bristol and travel directly to their terminal. It will put one in four people in the UK within one change of the airport.

The Great Western Mainline link will carry its first passengers in 2021, well before any runway will be finished. Yet it will have the effect of making Heathrow a “local airport’’ for South West England, creating jobs and allowing the region to share in the prosperity as Heathrow connects Britain to the global economy.

National business groups such as the Institute of Directors and CBI agree with regional bodies such as Plymouth Chamber of Commerce, the Dorset Chamber of Commerce, Newquay Cornwall Airport and the Cornwall Chamber of Commerce that Heathrow should expand as soon as possible.

The airport debate cannot be allowed to become London-centric. While the benefits to the South West are significant, they merely reflect of the benefits that expanding our best-connected airport will bring to the entire country.

The commission, moreover, is clear in its recommendation of Heathrow over Gatwick. True, both airports are equally convenient from the capital, but London is not a city-state. We must ensure that all corners of Britain are included in this decision.

“The capital must not be allowed to dominate a debate that is about the economic future of the entire UK”

The Government and those in the capital must unite behind Heathrow, and move towards a prosperous vision of the future for the entire United Kingdom. The London mayoral candidates will have their own views for those they represent, but they must remember there is a bigger constituency outside the capital.

Dr Liam Fox MP is chairman of the South West Conservative MPs Group

http://ift.tt/1YEmrsX


The evidence that Liam Fox takes for his hopes of economic benefit for Somerset, and the South West, is from some research by an independent consultancy called “Quod.” http://www.quod.com/

The document is only 4 pages long, has no date, no identity or contact address, no named authors, and gives no references for any of its numbers (many come from Airports Commission documents, but there are no links to them).

Quod say:

“The majority of the catalytic jobs identified by Heathrow were as a result of trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Both trade and FDI are forecast to increase as a result of productivity gains and increased business travel that will arise at an expanded Heathrow, as a result of lower fares and greater connectivity and therefore an increase in face to face business meetings. The distribution of benefits is therefore partially related to the origin of business passengers in the UK. [There has been a decline in the amount of business air travel, and no indication that this will necessarily reverse.  Link    AW comment].

“10. The current pattern of business travel is not the sole determinant of the spatial distribution of trade and investment impacts. The future pattern of business travel is likely to be very different at an expanded Heathrow with a greater number of regional connections within the UK. [The report presumes that there will be more flights between a 3 runway Heathrow, and regional airports. The Airports Commission final report says there will actually be fewer.  Link   AW comment]  It will also reflect existing patterns of employment in trade and FDI [Foreign Direct Investment] which is not be the same as the origins of business travel. Links into Heathrow are important, but not the only factor that determines how regions will benefit.”

The figures it gives are up to 2050.

http://ift.tt/1gSJNsx

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Comment by AirportWatch members:

This really makes one wonder about the ability of politicians to understand  numbers or misrepresent them. Does Liam appreciate that the alleged  £200bn is over 60 years, rather than per year? Does he explain that it is a guesswork number with all the faults on multipliers, outbound tourism spends, transfer passengers, additionality, and plain wishful thinking)?  And how he expects 5% of this to end up in Somerset is another undocumented leap of faith. If 600 MPs believe this sort of economic cloud cuckoo land, then UK is in real trouble.

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Virtually no-one is strongly and systematically rebutting claims by the Airports Commission of economic benefit, whether of aviation or anything else. We need to have these issues of “misleading economics” addressed specifically.

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A runway should not be supported by MPs from the regions, who have been given the mistaken impression by Heathrow (for its own purposes) that they will gain huge future benefits. The reality is that a new SE runway would remove any chance for the regional airports to provide profitable long-haul links in future. The vast subsidies from the tax payer, to fund all the associated infrastructure for a SE airport, would need to be paid out of the taxes of people across the country. Yet another example of money being channelled, yet again, into the south east. So much for the Northern Powerhouse idea, and spreading growth out across the regions.

 


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Earlier

Airports Commission report shows fewer, not more, links to regional airports by 2030 with 3rd Heathrow runway

The Times reports that analysis by Transport for London (TfL) of the Airports Commission’s final report shows that, with a 3rd runway, Heathrow would only serve 4 domestic destinations by 2030, compared to the 7 is now serves. It would serve only 3 with no new runway by 2030. (The Gatwick figures are 7 domestic destinations by 2030 with a 2nd runway, compared to 10 now). Heathrow has been claiming that its runway will be important for better links to the regions, and improved domestic connectivity by air. The Heathrow runway has been backed by Peter Robinson, the first minister of Northern Ireland, Derek Mackay, the Scottish transport minister, and Louise Ellman, the chairwoman of the transport select committee – on the grounds that it would help the regions. The Commission’s report says: (Page 313) “15.8 ….without specific measures to support domestic connectivity even an expanded Heathrow may accommodate fewer domestic routes in future….” The Commission cannot see effective ways to ensure domestic links are not cut in future, as less profitable than long haul, but they suggest public subsidy by the taxpayer for these routes. This is by using PSO (Public Service Obligations) which could cost £ millions, is a bad use of public money, and may fall foul of EU law.

Click here to view full story…

 



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Relief possibly in sight for residents in Reigate affected by Gatwick flight departures noise

Wednesday, 23 September 2015

During 2014 there was a change to a flight path (Route 4) taking off to the west from Gatwick, curving to the north. The change meant the planes went further north than usual, on a less tighter turn than before. This subjected thousands of people, not previously over-flown, to intense aircraft noise. The local group Plane Wrong, was set up as a result. Now the CAA Board has finally completed its PIR (Post Implementation Review) and adopted a recommendation on departure Route 4 to essentially shift the point at which aircraft take the turn and to fly further south of Reigate and Redhill, keeping planes within the long-established Noise Preferential Route (NPR). The change is expected to come into effect by the end of the year. The recommended change will not be a simple reversion to the old system, but will use the new satellite based technology PR-NAV to replicate the old pattern of take-offs. Local MP Crispin Blunt has been pressing for urgent changes to the flight path, following ongoing delays by the CAA to implement a solution. Over 15,000 people responded to the CAA’s public consultation on the implementation of PR-NAV at Gatwick, a sign of the strength of feeling about the extent of the noise problem.
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Relief finally in sight for residents affected by Gatwick flight departures noise

Thursday, 17 September, 2015

(Website of Crispin Blunt, MP for Reigate)

Crispin Blunt MP met with the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) this week to continue to press for urgent changes to the Gatwick westerly departure flight path following ongoing delays to implement a solution.

The CAA has taken longer than expected to conduct a review of the introduction in 2014 of satellite precision-area navigation (PR-NAV) technology on Gatwick departures. The changes led to an increase in flights overflying south Reigate and Redhill, and an explosion of complaints from residents newly affected by noise pollution. Over 15,000 people responded to the CAA’s public consultation on the implementation of PR-NAV at Gatwick, a sign of the strength of feeling on the issue.

The CAA Board has finally completed the review and adopted a recommendation on departure Route 4 to essentially shift the point at which aircraft take the turn and to fly further south of Reigate and Redhill, keeping planes within the long-established Noise Preferential Route. This recommended change will not be a simple reversion to the old system, but will use the new satellite based technology to replicate the old pattern of take-offs.

The change is expected to come into effect by the end of the year.

Crispin Blunt commented:

“Not before time there is movement towards a solution for those residents who last year found their homes and gardens being overflown by planes taking off from Gatwick.

“It is extremely disappointing that it has taken until now to get a decision to change this departure route which has caused misery for residents living underneath this concentrated flight path. When I met the CAA in March, they were confident that a solution could be implemented before the end of the summer.

“The noise pollution has been so horrendous on the concentrated take-off route over south Reigate and Redhill that thousands of local people have been submitting complaints to the CAA and Gatwick’s Noise Line.

“Gatwick Airport must not waste any time in coming forward with a proposal to implement the CAA’s recommended change. I understand that this is ready but has to be flight tested and incorporated into airlines’ flight schedules for pilots. Assuming there are no more hiccups, this should be done by mid-November. But with the experience of disappointing delays in process, by the CAA not devoting sufficient resources to assess the substantial reaction from residents, and in Gatwick Airport coming forward with a technically sound “fix”, I would be pleasantly surprised if this is done in time for Christmas.

“My priority is to see that the change come into effect as quickly as possible. Relief for local residents is urgently needed without impacting another group as badly. Whilst the change should be an improvement, I am still concerned that the new flight path will be highly concentrated.

“I want to continue to monitor the impact of this and other concentrated PR-NAV satellite based routes and ensure that Government policy provides for greater dispersal and multiple respites for affected areas so as to alleviate aviation noise on local communities.”

Latest statement by the CAA – click here. (Copied below)

http://ift.tt/1QzbXVT

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Local Group PLANE WRONG

PlaneWrong is a non political group set up by residents in September 2014 to campaign for a reversal in the recent changes to Gatwick Airport Flight Paths.

Our aims are:

  • to protest against the changes to the westerly departure route R26DVR/BIG/CLN/LAM from Gatwick Airport, effective from November 2013, and to re-instate all flight paths on this route within the NPR, which was established when the airport opened in 1968.

  • to obtain respite for those under PBN concentrated flight paths on both westerly departure route R26DVR/BIG/CLN/LAM and easterly departure route R08KENET.  

  • to ensure that any consultation conducted with the general public is accessible, understandable and unbiased.

  • to provide a view on any proposals relating to a second runway at Gatwick Airport.

http://ift.tt/1FgktIN

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Local group, PLANE WRONG’s letter to the DfT

September 21st 2015

One of our activities over the summer has been to seek legal advice about the post implementation review (PIR) process being undertaken by the CAA. This is the CAA’s review of the impact of the changes made to flight paths last year as a result of the introduction of new navigation systems.

As a result that review, we were advised to write to the DfT to seek assurances that the CAA will take proper account of representations made through the PIR by ourselves and other groups that were impacted by the change.

A copy of our letter is available in the adjacent download section. In the letter, we ask the DfT to act to enforce the Noise Preferential Routes (NPR) and see reassurance that no changes will be permitted to it.

It is thanks to the generous donations made by Plane Wrong members and supporters that we have been able to seek advice on this matter.

We are continuing to work with other campaign groups to lobby the DfT over concentration and to ensure that the concerns of those under the flightpaths at Gatwick are taken seriously.

http://ift.tt/1QzbXVV

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PLANE WRONG’s letter:

31 August 2015

Dear Mr McLoughlin,

Aviation Noise from Gatwick Airport

Plane Wrong is a group of residents living to the north of Gatwick airport in villages and
towns including Dorking, Reigate and Redhill. It was founded a year ago in response to
noise from aircraft departing from Gatwick Airport.

Last summer, local residents suddenly, and without warning, found themselves being
regularly overflown by low flying aircraft taking off from the airport. Neither the CAA nor
Gatwick Airport had consulted residents about these changes. The aircraft were flying over
locations where aircraft had only rarely flown before, and were flying over these locations
more frequently because they were less dispersed laterally than they had been previously.
The change meant that whereas before local residents were aware of only a few aircraft in
the distance they are now overflown by departing aircraft at a frequency, at its worst, of
about one per minute and at levels of noise which make it impossible to hold conversations,
enjoy our gardens or leave our windows open.

It became apparent to us last year that the change was decided on in August 2013. We
refer to the CAA’s letter of 14 August 2013. (We enclose a copy for ease of use.) Please
note that we became aware of this letter only in August 2014.
As envisaged in that letter the CAA is now carrying out an operational review of the relevant Airspace Change Process, and accordingly, having taken legal advice, we are writing this letter to you.

The first point we wish to make is that the CAA have invited comments, which we as a
group, and others, have provided, and we now hope and expect that they will take full
account of these comments, including those which we and our supporters would have made
had we been consulted in the first place. Also it is clear that the impact of the changes on
residents could not have been known about at the time of the original decision, but only (as
now) after the changes were put into effect.

We are also writing to you also because you are responsible for the noise policy at Gatwick,
and for designating Noise Preferential Routes (“NPRs”).

One feature of the airspace change is that aircraft are flying outside at least one of the NPRs
surrounding the airport. It is not at all clear as to the extent to which this is happening
with your knowledge or approval. We should be grateful if you would clarify this. Certainly,
we believe that what is happening is contrary to government policy.

We therefore request that you act to enforce the NPR; we also seek your reassurance that
no change will be permitted to it.

Finally, we also ask you to ensure that the CAA will take full account of our representations
on noise before making any decisions in connection with its PIR. In this regard we request
that you notify the CAA of the UK’s international obligations under (UNECE) Convention on
Access to Information, Public Participation in Decision-Making and Access to Justice in
Environmental Matters (the Aarhus Convention).

We should be grateful if you would acknowledge receipt of this letter by return and if you
would reply in full as soon as possible.

Yours faithfully

Mike Ward
Chair
Plane Wrong

Copies to
Phil Roberts, CAA
Sir Paul Beresford MP
Crispin Blunt MP

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2013 Changes to Gatwick departures (RNAV 1 SIDS)

Change to airspace structure

We aim to publish the full contents of all documents received by us during the change process. Occasionally it will be necessary for us to consider, under our Environmental Information Regulation obligations, whether some information cannot be disclosed or can only be disclosed in a way which balances the rights of the owners of the information against the public interest in transparency, especially information which is commercially confidential or protected by intellectual property rights.

Last updated: 17 September 2015

PIR public update

In November 2014 we commenced the Post Implementation Review or PIR of the November 2013 changes to the SIDs [Standard Instrument Departures] at Gatwick which enabled the use by aircraft of modern satellite technology for air navigation for the first time.

The purpose of the PIR is for the CAA, as the independent regulator, to assess whether the change has delivered the anticipated impacts and benefits set out in the original airspace change proposal and decision, and if not to ascertain why, and to determine the most appropriate course of action.

We have always recognised that this work will take time, as there is a significant amount of data and information, including public comments, to analyse. At the same time, we fully understand and appreciate the significance of this issue and have worked hard to deliver a conclusion as quickly as possible.

We have received a great deal of information and data to analyse and when we publish our report it is our intention to make public the data which the CAA has had available to it and taken into account.

By the end of June 2015 we were satisfied that we had received all the data that we needed to carry out the review and had fully understood what that data was telling us. That has included a thorough review and assessment of the comments and information we received from members of the public that e-mailed or wrote to the CAA.

The CAA’s review team has considered recommendations over the summer. The team’s hi-level recommendations were presented to, and accepted by, the CAA Board this week. Over the next few weeks the CAA will be working on, and testing, the formulation of each recommendation with technical experts and with Gatwick. Both the CAA and Gatwick appreciate the importance of completing this work as soon as possible and are working as expeditiously as possible to enable the CAA to conclude the review’s findings.

At the same time we are working on our detailed report which will include information on the data we used to conduct this review, the conclusions we reached and why we settled on the final recommendations. Those final recommendations will be published as soon we are confident we have reached the best possible conclusion based on the information and data we have reviewed.

…. and there links to documents from a couple of years ago …..

http://ift.tt/1Fgkv3m

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Revolving door revolves again: Vickie Sheriff (used to work at 10 Downing Street) to be Heathrow head of comms

Wednesday, 23 September 2015

There have for a long time been concerns about the “revolving door”, by which people switch between working high up in the aviation industry, and working high up in Government. The concern is that they may bring too much influence, from their earlier employer. Now it is announced that Vickie Sheriff it to become head of communications for Heathrow airport. Earlier she had worked for the Prime Minister, in 2013, with a dual role as official deputy spokesperson for the Prime Minister and head of news at Number 10. She went to the DfT and then Diageo in 2014.  Heathrow’s director of PR, Simon Baugh, left earlier this year to work at the Department for Transport to take the role of head of communications. This is the job that was previously held by Vickie Sheriff. (Simon Baugh was not actually meant to be advising ministers on the new runway issue till 1st September, when he had been at the DfT for 6 months).  Heathrow also appointed a new consumer PR agency in the summer. There have been several other high profile examples of the “revolving door” in the past, including Tom Kelly in 2009, who had worked for Tony Blair and then went to BAA as head of comms.
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Former Number 10 head of news Vickie Sheriff becomes Heathrow comms chief

22.9.2015 (PR Week)

Vickie Sheriff has taken up the role of director of communications at Heathrow Airport, leaving her role at drinks giant Diageo.

Sheriff, who is overseeing media, strategy and PR, and is reporting to corporate affairs director Clare Harbord, said: “It’s a really exciting time to join the team at Heathrow. We have an important agenda to make Heathrow the best passenger airport service in the world as well as be good neighbours to the communities around us.

“Heathrow is a national asset, a major export hub and employer. So there’s lots to do and I’m rolling my sleeves up with the team already.”

In June last year she was appointed by Diageo as global comms director – a role she took up in September.

Prior to Diageo she had held a number of jobs in central government comms.

In 2013, she moved from her dual role as official deputy spokeperson for the Prime Minister and head of news at Number 10 to take up the top comms job at the Department for Transport. Previous to this she had worked at the Ministry of Justice.

Sheriff joins the organisation two months after the Airports Commission recommended a third runway be built at what is one the world’s busiest airports by passenger numbers. Heathrow faced – and in spite of the recommendations – continues to face stiff opposition to the plan with Gatwick Airport also wanting to expand.

The airport lost its director of PR Simon Baugh earlier this year after he headed to the Department for Transport to take the role previously held by Sheriff. Heathrow also appointed a new consumer PR agency in the summer.

Sheriff is also a judge for the PRWeek Awards 2015.

http://ift.tt/1Fu9VWt

 

 

DfT hires Heathrow PR director Simon Baugh – to start briefing ministers etc on runways after 30th September

Simon Baugh, who is currently director of PR at Heathrow Airport, is moving to the DfT to take up the role of group director of comms. He takes up the new job on 30th March.  Baugh said: “I can’t think of a more exciting time to be joining the team or to be promoting the role that transport plays in driving UK economic growth.” He has been overseeing PR at Heathrow, which included the launch in late 2013 of Back Heathrow, a ‘grassroots’ (astoturfing – deeply controversial) campaign.  On 20th February Zac Goldsmith put a written question in Parliament: “To ask the Secretary of State for Transport, what recruitment process was used when hiring Simon Baugh, Group Director of Communications for his Department; and what role Mr Baugh will have in his Department after the Airports Commission has made its recommendation on airport expansion in the South East.”   Reply by DfT spokesperson:  “As Mr Baugh was previously employed by Heathrow Airport Ltd, he will not be involved in advising Ministers on issues relating to the work of the Airports Commission for the 6 months following his appointment, which starts on 30 March 2015.” ie. the Commission may report at the end of June, and Simon Baugh can start briefing etc by 30th September.

http://ift.tt/1GmWoeN


 

Earlier:

 

Diageo appoints Vickie Sheriff as global communications director

Diageo has announced the appointment of Vickie Sheriff, currently director of group communications at the department for transport for the UK Government, to its team.

Joining as global communications director, Sheriff will look to join together the drink company’s employee engagement and external communications teams.

Of her appointment, she said: “I am thrilled to be joining Diageo in a great new role. After a long career enjoying communications in government, I’m looking forward to bringing my skills and experience to the commercial sector. Diageo is a company that people want to work for and I am excited to be leading a team to help shape Diageo’s global communications to support its ambition.”

Sheriff’s former roles include being the UK prime minister’s deputy official spokesman and head of news for both the Ministry of Justice and the Department for International Development.

Her new position will see Sheriff report into Charlotte Lambkin, global corporate relations director, who said: “I am really pleased that Vickie has chosen to join our team at Diageo. She has great experience in running and developing large teams covering a wide range of disciplines, managing complex and fast moving issues and positioning senior individuals and organisations.”

Sheriff will join Diageo on 1 September 2014.

http://ift.tt/Tlvukr

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Other examples of the “revolving door” between government and the aviation industry:

February 2008.  Plane Stupid wrote:

“Labour/industry revolving door: Trade minister Sir Digby Jones is the former
CBI boss who became chair of the new aviation industry lobby group, Flying Matters.
The group was recently formed to take on environmentalists over airport expansion.
Gordon Brown also appointed Joe Irvin, formerly a director of the aviation lobby
group Freedom to Fly, to become one of his inner circle of advisors too. Freedom
to Fly was the brainchild of Steve Hardwick – another of Labour’s key Millbank
apparatchiks – while the organisation was previously chaired by Labour peer Brenda
Dean and directed by Dan Hodges, the son of Glenda Jackson who was Labour’s first
aviation minister. Dan Hodge’s wife, Michelle De Leo, is the new director of Flying
Matters.

“The chancellor, Alistair Darling, the bete noir of climate campaigners, is far
from a stranger to BAA either. In fact, he was the guest of honour who officially
launched a group called Future Heathrow, who are lobbying for a third runway and
a sixth terminal at the airport. Future Heathrow, is headed up by another Labour
peer, Lord Soley, who works out of a BAA office in West London. BAA’s new communications chief is former Downing Street spin doctor Tom Kelly.”  Link

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Fury at airport lobby links to No 10

MPs suggest go-ahead for a third runway is down to influence of former Labour officials now working for BAA

By Toby Helm, Whitehall editor (Guardian)

Sunday 18 January 2009

Senior MPs are demanding a Commons investigation into evidence of a “revolving door” policy between Downing Street, Whitehall and airport operator BAA, following last week’s decision by ministers to approve a third runway at Heathrow. MPs believe that BAA and British Airways were able to crush the environment lobby thanks to an intricate network of contacts with the government and the Labour party.

Concerns over their influence have been heightened by the presence of Tom Kelly, formerly the official spokesman for Tony Blair when he was prime minister, who has taken charge of “all aspects of BAA’s communication activity” since being appointed as group director of corporate and public affairs for the company in late 2007, when the campaign for a third runway was in full swing. Kelly heads a network that plugs BAA directly into government and Labour, several of whose senior figures are involved in the pro-runway campaign. Julia Simpson, another former adviser to Blair, left Downing Street in 2007 for BA.

On the other side of the fence is Joe Irvin, former head of corporate affairs at BAA, who has switched to Number 10 to be a key adviser to Gordon Brown. Irvin was also involved with one of the main aviation lobby groups, Freedom to Fly, which was funded by BAA and BA – as was Stephen Hardwick, a former adviser to John Prescott and ex-head of public affairs at BAA. BAA also employs financial PR company Finsbury, which is headed by Roland Rudd, a close friend of business secretary Peter Mandelson, who was in favour of the third runway.

BA has fostered close links with government for years through PR firms Brunswick, headed by Gordon Brown’s friend Alan Parker, and Lexington Communications, run by Mike Craven, a former Labour press chief. Senior Labour figures, paid to help the runway lobby funded by BAA, include Lord Soley, a former chairman of the Parliamentary Labour Party, who has appeared in the media to promote the runway for Future Heathrow, one of the BAA-backed successors to Freedom to Fly.

The issue of Heathrow was tackled in a recent report on lobbying by the public administration select committee. After the inquiry, MPs concluded that lobbying needed to be open to public scrutiny. The report said: “There has also been widespread public concern that some areas of government policy have effectively been captured at an early stage by interest groups, usually within industry, and that public consultations have been unbalanced in the favour of these interests.” It named Heathrow as an example of this.

Labour MP John Grogan last night called for the government to implement the proposed new rules. He believed that cabinet ministers who had opposed the third runway – including climate change secretary Ed Miliband and environment secretary Hilary Benn – might have won the day if they had not been fighting the “intricate web” linking BAA, BA and Whitehall. Susan Kramer, a Liberal Democrat MP, said a Commons investigation was essential. “It is a matter of public interest and is imperative.”

BAA said: “It is entirely appropriate that BAA holds discussions with government, as we do with politicians of all parties, in the interest of Britain’s airports. As was clearly demonstrated with a decision last week, government and government alone makes the critical judgements that affect airport growth.”

• Hundreds of anti-runway activists yesterday staged a “flash mob” protest at Heathrow’s terminal five. Campaigners were ready to move into homes facing destruction in the village of Sipson and vowed that they would win “the political war”.

http://ift.tt/1Fu9VWz

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The aviation sector has close links with political decision makers which many players moving between roles through the controversial revolving door‘. For example: Joe Irvin was advisor to John Prescott from 1996 and 2001 (Secretary of State for the Environment, Transport and the Regions as well as Deputy Prime Minister) before working for various element of the aviation lobby and becoming head of corporate affairs at BAA in 2006 before he became ‘Special Advisor’ to Gordon Brown in 2007 when he became prime minister.[32][33] He was succeeded at BAA by Tom Kelly who took the title ‘group director of corporate and public affairs’; Kelly had previously been the official spokesman for Tony Blair when he was prime minister.[32]

Freedom to Fly was formed during the preparation phase of the “Future of Aviation white paper 2003” by BAA and others[34] It was ‘fronted’ by Joe Irvin, a former political adviser to John Prescott[35] who subsequently became Director of Public Affairs at BAA Limited[36] Their director, Dan Hodges, is the son ofGlenda Jackson, Labour MP and former Aviation Minister.[37] 

Wikipedia


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Sir Roy McNulty is now non-executive director of Gatwick airport, but he has been Chairman of NATS and Chairman of the CAA in the past.

http://ift.tt/1Fu9WK4

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The revolving door: how big business has colonised UK politics

The increasing number of ministers and senior civil servants recruited from the private sector to government ensures that policy favours big business

Our new report highlights the way business ideas have become entrenched in the UK political process.

The report warns against the ‘corporate colonisation’ of Government, citing a number of different ways through which figures from business have entered into Government, including:

  • Business leaders appointed to Ministerial office via the House of Lords, such as former HSBC CEO Lord Green and former Goldman Sachs banker and Chief Executive of the London Olympics Organising Committee, Lord Deighton
  • Private sector appointments to the civil service, with 30% of current senior civil servants recruited in this way
  • The extensive use of private sector consultants at a cost of around £800m according to the Public Accounts Committee
  • Non-executive ‘departmental boards’ of Government departments, chaired by leading industry figures, such as Lord Browne, former CEO of BP and Chair of the Cabinet Office, or Sam Laidlaw, outgoing CEO of Centrica (parent company of British Gas) and Chair of the Department for Transport.

The report also highlights the 1,000 business appointments taken up by outgoing Ministers and civil servants between 2000 and 2014 and their potential to use their knowledge of Government to exert undue influence on behalf of their new employers.

High Pay Centre director, Deborah Hargreaves said: It is useful for politicians and Government officials to be able to draw on experience of working in the private sector. At the same time, a balance has to be struck. Private companies exist to make money, first and foremost. They have different values to the public service ethic we expect of Ministers and civil servants.

The interests of big business and the interests of society are already too easily confused in public debate. They are not synonymous, but a Government dominated by former business leaders risks governing as if they are.

It is only natural that those with long professional careers working to maximise the profits of major corporations will favour policies that help big business  when in Government, even at the expense of employee welfare or the environment, for example.

The report 

http://ift.tt/1GJK0YV

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Chairman of Commons Environmental Audit Committee says Cameron must answer questions on Heathrow expansion

Wednesday, 23 September 2015

The House of Commons Environmental Audit Committee recently set up an Inquiry on the “Airports Commission report: Carbon emissions, air quality and noise.” It closed on 3rd September. A considerable number of submissions have been made, from councils, organisations, individuals (and a few from the aviation industry or its consultants). The Chairman of the Committee, Hugh Irranca-Davies, has said that the Government has “big questions to answer” over how it could meet the legally binding EU air quality rules while backing a 3rd Heathrow runway. The submissions, including the one from Transport for London (Boris Johnson) raised a series of objections to a bigger Heathrow.regulations. Boris said: “The Commission has failed to demonstrate that a three-runway Heathrow, even with mitigation, will not have the worst NO2 concentration in Greater London, so risking the compliance of the entire zone and EU fines on the UK.” He said the Commission failed to recognise the impact of increased road traffic. Clean Air in London said: “If the Commission is suggesting that the only relevant requirement is that additional runway capacity should not delay in time average compliance throughout the London zone, then it has misdirected itself on the law.”  Sections on air quality from a number of submissions are copied below.
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The  whole list of submissions can be seen here. 

David Cameron must answer questions over Heathrow expansion, says MPs’ committee chief

22.9.2015 (Standard)

David Cameron was today warned that the Government has “big questions to answer” over how it could meet EU air quality rules while backing a third runway at Heathrow.

London Mayor Boris Johnson, environmentalists and campaigners raised a series of objections to a bigger Heathrow in a dossier of evidence presented to the Commons environmental audit committee.

EAC chairman Huw Irranca-Davies said: “This evidence shows that the Government still has big questions to answer about how it would achieve the UK’s legally binding commitment to limit air pollution if it accepts the Airports Commission’s recommendation for a new runway at Heathrow.”

City Hall’s submission is scathing about the conclusions of the Airports Commission over how Heathrow could expand while not delaying UK compliance with EU air quality regulations. The Mayor said: “The Commission has failed to demonstrate that a three-runway Heathrow, even with mitigation, will not have the worst NO2 concentration in Greater London, so risking the compliance of the entire zone and EU fines on the UK.”

Campaign group Clean Air in London said: “If the Commission is suggesting that the only relevant requirement is that additional runway capacity should not delay in time average compliance throughout the London zone, then it has misdirected itself on the law.”

Mr Johnson said the Commission failed to recognise the impact of increased road traffic. Airport chiefs, though, said that the greatest contribution to local air pollution comes from non-airport-related road traffic.

http://ift.tt/1FteTTj

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Thank you Christine for sending the SHE response.
Click on …Written Evidence. ..View All.

http://ift.tt/1FteWyl

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The section on Air Pollution, from the response from West London Friends of the Earth:  Link 

Air pollution

The air pollution assessment by the Commission is extremely suspect.  The Commission used a new model which suggests that the legally binding UK and EU air pollution Limit Values would not be breached by 2030, and air pollution would therefore not be an impediment to a new runway at Heathrow.

Firstly, it should be noted that the new model predicts that air pollution from sources other than Heathrow will plummet between now and 2030.  This reduction, with its welcome potential to improve public health, can therefore be appropriated by allowing extra pollution from a third runway.

Secondly, it should be noted that the older, more established, model paints a far less optimistic forecast of pollution levels.

Thirdly, the air pollution estimates are for 2030, when the runway will only be about 5 years old and will only be partly used.  The real impact of a runway – a fully used runway – is hidden.

Fourthly, achievement does not mean that there will be no health impacts from air pollution. Extensive research, including a very recent report ( http://ift.tt/1JtP7wK ) shows clearly that there are morbidity and mortality effect of air pollution of PM10 and PM2.5 at levels well below the current EU limits.  Friends of the Earth believes that the aviation industry has a responsibility to protect human health, not just to avoid legal action from the EU.

Finally, “the Commission recommended that new capacity at Heathrow should not be released unless doing so would not delay compliance with European law ..” This is nothing short of confidence trick by the commission.  The UK will not achieve compliance with European law until all locations in the UK meet limit values.  There are a handful of sites in central London that have higher levels even than those at Heathrow. So as long as air pollution levels around Heathrow remain are lower than the worst hotspot in central London, there is no constraint on Heathrow’s air pollution.  The EAC should not be conned.

Instead of allowing its recommendation for a new runway to be influenced by air pollution considerations, the commission has simply come up with some policies which might be considered to offset the extra air pollution from a third runway. There is no evidence that the policies are realistic and the commission does not recommend anything.

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The section on Air Pollution from the response from the AEF (Aviation Environment Federation):  Link 

Air quality impacts

Government policy

  1. As in the case of climate change, the Government’s approach on air quality is bound by delivery of legal duties. The Air Quality Standards Regulations 2010 transposed into UK law the requirements of the European 2008 air quality directive (Directive 2008/50/EC), which sets legally binding limits for concentrations of major air pollutants that impact public health. While the UK is currently compliant with some of these limits, it remains persistently in breach of the requirement that annual mean NO2 may not exceed 40μg/m3, with sites along major roads both in central London and in the Heathrow area recording breaches every year. The UK is required to meet these limits ‘in the shortest time possible’. In April this year, the UK Supreme Court ruled on a case brought against the UK Government by legal campaign group Client Earth, that the Government’s current policy plan to meet legal air quality limits that came into force in 2010 by 2030 was inadequate and that new policy must be drawn up by the end of this year.
  2. The Airports Commission quotes the National Planning Policy Framework as indicative of Government policy on air pollution, namely that: “Planning policies should sustain compliance with and contribute towards EU limit values or national objectives for pollutants, taking into account the presence of Air Quality Management Areas and the cumulative impacts on air quality from individual sites in local areas.”
  3. Nevertheless, the Commission developed its own ‘test’ against which, it argues, the air quality impacts of expansion should be considered. This is not that the UK must be compliant with EU air quality regulations by the time the runway is built (as was the case in 2009 when the Government announced the environmental limits accompanying its support for a third runway with the Environment Agency proposed to assess compliance).Instead, the Commission proposes that “New capacity should only be released when it is clear that air quality at sites around the airport will not delay compliance with EU limits.” The Commission’s proposed objective does not require that the limits are met but only that the Heathrow area should not be responsible for the most serious breach. In particular, the Commission argues that if, by 2030, there is anywhere in London where air quality is worse than at Heathrow then the airport cannot be held responsible for delaying compliance with the legislation. The Commission appears to pin its hopes on sites on the Marylebone Road continuing to record exceptionally bad air quality.
  4. We do not consider this a sound test of the airport’s sustainability and note that Alan Andrews of Client Earth, the successful litigant in the court case mentioned above, has argued that “If the Government makes a decision based on this test, it would be vulnerable to legal challenge.”[5] Even if the Commission’s proposed mitigations to deliver its air quality objective were realistic and achievable, therefore, we do not believe that they would deliver sufficient improvement to meet the legal requirement reflected in Government policy.
  5. The Commission had earlier set itself an appraisal objective for its shortlisted scheme ‘To improve air quality consistent with EU standards and local planning policy requirements.’ None of the schemes however passed this test with the appraisal concluding that a new runway at Heathrow would have an ‘adverse’ to ‘significantly adverse’ impact on air quality. The scheme would worsen air quality (in terms of annual mean NO2concentrations) at about 47,000 properties, the Commission estimates.

 

Mitigations proposed by the Airports Commission

  1. The Commission does not set out a clearly defined policy package to be delivered either by the Government or the airport in order to bring air pollution even to the level required by its own proposed test, let alone to within legal limits, and does not set out by whom mitigation should be enforced. But ensuring that the Heathrow area does not, following expansion, record NO2 levels that are even higher than those on the Marylebone Road will require effective mitigation, the Commission states, such that “Local and national Government will need to work together with the scheme promoter to develop a robust set of mitigations to manage both background and airport demand.”[6] The Commission’s analysis includes a number of potential actions, therefore, described as sensitivities, that may result in air quality slightly better than in the baseline forecast.

Are the indicative policies and proposed mitigations set out in the Airports Commission’s recommended option realistic and achievable?

  1. While we do not in this response provide detailed comment on the feasibility of individual mitigations proposed, we note that the Commission’s own analysis raises questions about the deliverability of the measures it suggests.

 

What are the implications of adopting or not adopting those policies and mitigations for wider Government policy?

  1. Should the possible improvements associated with measures considered by the Commission fail to materialise, the Commission’s modelling suggests that the Heathrow area could, with expansion, have the worst air quality in London. But even if all the mitigations were successful, our understanding is that the Commission’s prediction is that the Heathrow area would continue to significantly breach the EU legal limit for NO2 of itsannual mean not exceeding 40 µg/m3. The mitigation options, the Commission says, could collectively reduce NO2 by 2.4 to 3.6 µg/m3. But the unmitigated forecast is as high as 48.7 µg/m3 (or 47.4 without expansion).[7]

 

Do realistic and achievable alternatives to those policies and mitigations exist, should the Government adopt the recommended option?

  1. Our view is that a Heathrow runway should not be sanctioned until the area is compliant with legal standards for air quality. We have yet to see a mitigation plan that can deliver this objective through realistic and achievable means.

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Response from Clean Air in London:  Link 

  1. I am writing on behalf of Clean Air in London (CAL) to respond to the Environmental Audit Committee’s (EAC’s) inquiry into the Airports Commission’s report (the Inquiry).
  1. CAL is a voluntary organisation which campaigns to achieve urgently and sustainably full compliance with World Health Organisation (WHO) guidelines for air quality throughout London and elsewhere.  Further information about CAL can be found at http://cleanair.london/.
  1. CAL is independent of any government funding, has cross party support and a large number of supporters, both individuals and organisations.  CAL provides a channel for both public concern and expert opinion on air pollution.  This document provides both general and expert comments in response to the Inquiry.
  1. Airport related traffic is a major cause of air pollution in London, which in turn causes thousands of premature deaths per year, and many thousands more illnesses, chronic illnesses and disabilities.  For this reason, airport expansion impacts on air pollution.
  1. The Davies Commission into London airport capacity makes some ambiguous remarks about the relevance of Directive 2008/50/EC on ambient air quality and cleaner air for Europe (the Directive).  CAL makes two points.
  1. First, if the Davies Commission is suggesting that the only relevant requirement is that additional runway capacity should not delay in time average compliance throughout the London zone, then it has misdirected itself on the law.  For example:

 

  1. the limit values must be met throughout each zone (save in three specifically excepted circumstances defined in Annex III(A)(2) of the Directive).

 

  1. air quality must not be made even less compliant in areas where it is already in breach.

 

  1. Second, any suggestion that the additional capacity could be constructed but on the basis that it would not be brought into operation until air quality was, and would remain, compliant with the Directive would, in present circumstances, be inconsistent with the duty of restraint in the last part of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) Article 4 (3).

 

The TEU can be seen here:

http://ift.tt/1yiLmBT

Unless a robust, realisable and enforceable air quality plan is in place which can demonstrably ensure compliance after the additional capacity comes into operation then the duty of cooperation under TEU Article 4 (3) requires the UK to refrain from constructing such additional capacity.

  1. CAL made similar points to the Airports Commission in a letter dated 23 May 2015 responding to its consultation on new evidence relating to an air quality assessment of the three short-listed options for additional airport capacity.  Our response to the Airports Commission can be seen here:

http://ift.tt/1en590v

  1. CAL is seeking an authoritative legal opinion on this matter and will share it with the EAC when available.
  1. In CAL’s considered opinion any decision to approve airport expansion at Heathrow would breach air quality laws unless at a minimum there is an existing robust, realisable and enforceable plan in place to ban diesel vehicles for many miles around the airport, including the M4 and M25 motorways, before the additional capacity comes into operation.

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The section on Air Quality from the submission by Hillingdon Council:  Link 

 

B              AIR QUALITY

1              Major shift in mode share for those working and arriving at the airport, consideration of a congestion or access charge.

Question 1 – whether the proposed mitigations are realistic and achievable.

3.1              We do not believe the Commission has demonstrated sufficient confidence that these proposed measures are deliverable. These have been identified as possible air quality mitigation measures, which means that any risk of non-delivery or lack of control on implementation, will have negative implications for ensuring air pollution levels are met.

3.2              The shift to public transport to date at Heathrow has been much slower than that which the Commission assumes will take place with expansion. The Heathrow Sustainable Transport Plan 2014-2019 (page 18/19) details a trend in mode share from 32.5% in 1998 to 40.6% in 2012, which is an increase in 8.1% over 14 years. A further step change is not anticipated until 2024, when schemes such as Crossrail, Western Rail Access and improvements to the Piccadilly Line upgrade come into force and a modal share of over 45% could be expected.

3.3              The Heathrow Air Quality Strategy 2011-2020 defines airside ground movements and staff travel to the airport as something they can ‘guide’ and the aircraft fleet mix andpassenger traffic as something they can ‘influence’. None of these are within the control of Heathrow.

3.4              The major scheme identified by the Commission as achieving a further step change with expansion is a southern rail access link. We believe a suitable additional link is required to address today’s problems with access to the current airport. This should be addressed and paid for by the airport now.  Adding it to the new package of taxpayer funded transportupgrades to deal with an expanded airport is completely inappropriate. There is currently no firm proposal or funding stream for this additional rail provision which also suggests a potential risk in delivery. No details have been provided of any evaluation of a congestion or access charge; the traffic reduction it would achieve; or on the public acceptability of such a charge. Thisagain suggests a potential risk in delivery.

3.5              There is an increasing amount of evidence in relation to the detrimental health impacts of air pollution. It is not safe, in terms of policy decisions, to assume that the current health limits will not be tightened in the future. The mitigation measures would need to be sufficient to achieve a level below that of the current limit value to ensure there is a) sufficient headroom to account for the need to maintain compliance, and, b) to future-proof the use of the new runway should health evidence suggest a lowering of the standard.  Without this, the likelihood is that it will result in new airport infrastructure being built but the additional capacity not released for use.

Question 2 – the implications of adopting or not adopting those mitigations for wider government policy.

3.6              Airports are large attractors of surface access journeys. Around Heathrow, airport-related traffic contributes to air pollution levels which are above European limits. Targets for mode share and any congestion charge zone must be set at a level which ensures a reduction in pollution from this source. To not achieve a reduction in pollution will compromise compliance with European air quality legislation and harm the health of local communities.

Question 3 – whether realistic and achievable alternatives to those mitigations exist.

3.7              The mitigation measure must ensure air quality compliance is achieved under current operations. Once compliance has been reached, measures must be implemented to ensure that there is sufficient control to maintain compliance under the two runway airport before any expansion is decided upon.

3.8              There must be proper evaluation of the proposed and any alternative mitigation measures to ensure reductions in traffic are achievable.  There would need to be additional traffic management measures in place to ensure that reductions in airport related traffic are not simply taken up by other non airport road users. The revenue from the congestion charge must be ring fenced for local community improvements.

2              New capacity only released when it is clear sites around the airport will not delay compliance with EU limits

Question 1 – whether the proposed mitigations are realistic and achievable.

3.9              We believe the Commission’s approach in relation to compliance with EU limits is incorrect and potentially unlawful. It seems to suggest that the only obligation on the UK is to produce air quality plans to achieve compliance and that operations at Heathrow will be a legal problem if, and only if, they are responsible for a delay in complying with EU limit values.  This misunderstanding of the law leads to their interpretation that there is no need to worry about Heathrow if there is somewhere else in the zone which is worse.

3.10              The Commission recognises that there is a risk of failing to meet the air quality limits, even on their own interpretation of the law, and has sought to cover this by setting a condition which states additional capacity can only be released when it is clear there will not be a delay in compliance with air quality limits. There is no detail as to how this condition will bemonitored and enforced in practice or who the regulator and decision maker would be with regards to the release of capacity.  There has been no consideration of the economic dis-benefits arising from such vast and costly infrastructure being built but not able to be fully utilised. We believe that there is insufficient evidence to suggest this mitigation measure could be either realistic or achievable in practice.

Question 2 – the implications of adopting or not adopting those mitigations for wider government policy.

3.11              The principle of being required to meet EU limit values should be implemented now on the current airport operations, not just related to an expansion scenario. The safe limit to protect health was meant to be achieved in 2010; the Government now predict this will not occur until after 2030; and expansion at Heathrow makes this situation considerably worse.  Failure to achieve EU limit values would be to fall foul of European air quality legislation (the Air Quality Directive) and potentially risk the imposition of fines to the UK Government for non compliance. It also fails national planning legislation such as the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF, para 124) and the APF (para 3.47) which both reiterate the Government’s commitments to meet EU limit values. The additional burden on the health of the local communities also needs to be properly costed and taken into account.

Question 3 – whether realistic and achievable alternatives to those mitigations exist.

3.12              It is our view that if realistic and achievable mitigations measures were available, they should have already been implemented.

Question 4 what steps should the government take to reach a decision that is consistent with its commitments on sustainable development.

3.13              In our opinion the current Heathrow operation is unsustainable. The T5 Inquiry attempted to set controls to constrain the environmental damage caused by the operation of the airport within a densely populated area.  Unfortunately the Commission has failed to explain why it believes these can now be disregarded.

3.14              The expansion of Heathrow fails the NPPF policy of ensuring that development is appropriate for its location. The surrounding area, of which Heathrow is a significant contributor in terms of pollution emissions, currently fails air quality limits; it has been demonstrated that it will do so until 2030; and expansion will make this situation worse.

3.15              In our opinion the proposed mitigation measures will not address the harmful implications on health arising from air pollution, and therefore the recommendation to expand Heathrow does not represent sustainable development.

3.16              We note that the Commission’s Final Report made it clear that its mitigation measures are an integral part of the recommendation for Heathrow expansion.  Given that the air quality mitigation measures are not realistic and achievable, it follows, on the Commission’s own reasoning, if the measures are not adopted, then the recommendation to expand Heathrow must be rejected.  Notwithstanding this, we believe that even if all the conditions proposed by the Commission were workable, that the Government should not allow the proposal because it is unsustainable.

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Section on Air Quality from the submission by Transport for London (TfL) – the Mayor of London  Link

  1. Air quality

3.1.             The additional road traffic demand from the recommended proposal is significantly under-estimated.

TfL estimates that the incremental road traffic demand from the recommended proposal could be of the order of tens of thousands of additional vehicle movements per day. By any measure this is a very significant degree of under-estimation and it is of course over and above that already taken into account in the Commission’s air quality assessment, which takes only a ‘bare minimum’ approach to mitigation.

The additional demand at sensitive locations, such as the Bath Road which, according to Defra, currently has the second-worst air quality in Greater London, would certainly be a major additional impediment to achieving air quality limit values at any point in the future. This would lead to increased NO2 concentrations over and above that projected to be achieved (with mitigation) by the Commission under the recommended proposal. This would result in a much more demanding level of mitigation than envisaged by the Commission. It is crucial that realistic demand figures and the proposed revised alignment of Bath Road are tested via modelling for air quality impacts, with assured mitigation, ahead of any decision, rather than simply assuming that the problem will either go away or become a fait accompli (only to be discovered) when the new capacity comes into operation.

This level of additional demand would either need to be accommodated in practical terms, for example through further enhancements to the transport network (which is acknowledged by the Commission to be operating at over-capacity) or, there would be significant additional air quality impacts on the local highway network on a much wider scale and over more hours. The effects would require comprehensive mitigation which has not been identified by the Commission and which undermine the economic viability and feasibility of the project.

3.2.            The Commission adopts a ‘bare minimum’ approach to meeting air quality objectives, which is inadequate, and does not meet its own appraisal objectives.

Air quality is universally acknowledged as a key public health issue both at national and EU level and this is why it is the subject of legally binding limit values designed to minimise the threat to public health over the shortest possible timescale. The UK is currently projected to be in long-term breach of the limit value for Nitrogen Dioxide (NO2) until post-2030 (although this expectation may change over the short term in the shape of the Government’s response to the recent Supreme Court judgment in Client Earth). The Greater London zone, in which Heathrow largely falls, is projected to be the last in the country to comply. The focus of local and national policy is on how compliance with these limits can be brought forward to the earliest possible date. From first principles, therefore, any expansion of Heathrow would militate heavily against these imperatives and would require substantial mitigation even to get back to a position of ‘standing still’ (i.e. the Do-Minimum situation) – let alone actually working to improve air quality. The Commission does not address these requirements.

The Commission’s treatment of air quality is complacent and, in some places, ambiguous. This casts doubt on the veracity of its understanding and the soundness of its assessment. In particular, whilst acknowledging that this is an ‘all or nothing’ test of deliverability for an expanded Heathrow (see, for example, paragraph 9.52), the Commission fails to demonstrate that it will not, in fact, be a significant issue, and that the adverse effects will be satisfactorily dealt with.

The Commission sees air quality as an obstacle that it seeks only to mitigate to the bare minimum required – that is no better than the otherwise expected worst concentration within the zone. This is expected, on the basis of most recent forecasts available to the Commission, to be Marylebone Road. This approach is open to legal challenge for the following reasons. Firstly, the Guidance relied on by the Commission (a Highways England Interim Advice Note, IAN175) itself does not provide a definitive legal basis for establishing compliance with air quality objectives. Secondly, the Commission then fails to adhere to the principles of the Guidance, which require that in the event of a scheme making air quality worse when it is already above the limit values (as is the case for Heathrow), that mitigation measures must be identified to reduce air quality concentrations so they either meet (1) the limit values or (2) the same air quality levels without the scheme in place (i.e. the Do-Minimum case), whichever is the higher. In this case, where latest-available projections suggest zonal non-compliance for London, the latter is the appropriate minimum target for mitigation.Thirdly, none of the additional tests set out in the Guidance have been undertaken, including disclosure of whether there is an overall increase, decrease, or no change in NO2 concentrations.

The Commission has done none of these and, in so doing, has accepted a widespread worsening of air quality (with no offsetting positive impacts), gives itself no room for manoeuvre and, notably,fails to address its own appraisal objective ‘to improve air quality’ (see paragraph 9.92). Furthermore, the benchmark comparison against Marylebone Road is now already out of date, as TfL’s Ultra Low Emission Zone scheme (now a committed scheme) will have the effect of significantly lowering emissions here from 2020. At that point, in the absence of further change, the A4 Bath Road would likely be the ‘worst link’ in the Greater London zone.

Given the importance of this issue, greater ambition and more certainty is required. To be in conformity with wider air quality policy the Commission should at least have demonstrated a proposed package that would ensure no overall worsening/increase in NO2 concentrations across the affected study area, from the ‘Do-Minimum’ rather than solely the ‘next worst road link’ approach actually adopted.

A logical corollary of the ‘next worst link’ approach adopted by the Commission would be that air quality could get worse across the Greater London zone provided that it did not get any worse than Marylebone Road. This is clearly nonsense in public health terms, and is against the principles required by the EU Directive that require Governments and other responsible authorities to work towards achieving compliance with limit values at the earliest possible date.

Such assurance should also have been given for all stages of the construction and operation of the expansion – at the start of operations, when background concentrations would be at their highest, and at several incremental stages of operation, when emissions arising from the expanded airport would be at their highest. The extent of the information given, as well as the level of assurance about progress towards meeting limit values, is therefore inadequate.

The Commission seems ambivalent or oblivious to the fact that, as demonstrated by its assessment, Heathrow currently is, and will continue to be, a significant source of air quality problems that are inhibiting compliance with air quality objectives in the Greater London zone. The fact (even if correct) that there may be other significant sources which are possibly worse is an entirely unconvincing excuse in scientific or legal terms and is most unlikely to persuade the European Commission, a UK judge or the European Court of Justice.

3.3.             The adequacy and deliverability of mitigating measures is not convincing.

Even on the basis of the Commission’s estimated scale of air quality impact, which has been significantly under-estimated, and its limited ambition to reduce this, the adequacy and the deliverability of the mitigating measures as set out is not convincing. They are poorly-specified and quantified, are not committed to in any meaningful form, and presuppose actions from third parties which have not been verified. We therefore doubt that, even in its minimal form, it is credibly deliverable, and observe that it ties any decision on Heathrow expansion to a range of imponderables that may – or may not – be considered to happen, depending on the agenda of the commentator.

Mitigation is seen as a limitless ‘catch all’ that can solve whatever air quality problems arise. Undoubtedly it can if it is extensive or draconian enough – but that is not the point. Higher impacts and/or higher levels of ambition would require correspondingly greater mitigation, which may have to be of such a scale as to be ‘transformational’ – for example requiring significant new public transport capacity at additional cost and/or being such as to inhibit the realisation of the very economic benefits sought by the proposals, for example a powerfully discouraging road user charging scheme which would require a wide ranging expansion of public transport provision in its own right. All of this suggests that the costs of the third runway have been substantially under-estimated, and that the business case is consequently flawed. Standing back, which sensible business would proceed with a project the ultimate use and cost of which would be dependent on such uncertainties, or be willing to assume that all such matters will be resolved satisfactorily? Yet this is exactly the basis upon which the Commission has assumed that the scheme proceeds.

The Commission’s reluctance to consider or assess mitigations of this scale is telling. This is a reflection of its complacent stance on this issue, and it does not have due regard to the actual infeasibility and/or extremely high cost of mitigation that would be required to provide a more acceptable level of assurance on air quality. For any decision to be properly grounded, these requirements must befully addressed and their efficacy conclusively demonstrated. Statements like “air quality impacts should be addressed wherever possible” are further evidence of the Commission’s half-hearted approach to this issue and its incomplete understanding of its importance.

The Mayor’s position is therefore that the proposals should properly have included a committed, fully-costed and deliverable package of mitigation that assures, as a minimum, no overall deterioration in air quality in the affected area, maintains this state from that point onwards, works towards achievement of limit values at the earliest possible opportunity, and does not significantly damage the ‘business case’ and economic benefits sought by the expansion. In the absence of such a costed package, no sensible investment decision can be made.

3.4.            Any Government decision on the proposals need to be fully cognisant of, and aligned with, the UK’s response to the Supreme Court ruling, and the soon-to-be-published (for consultation)revised NO2 Action Plan. It is not possible to see how this can be achieved over the short or medium term.

The positioning of the Government’s decision on the Commission’s recommendations given the parallel requirement to respond to the Supreme Court, via a NO2 Action Plan, is of crucial importance, as this will effectively reset the baseline against which the air quality impacts should be judged, probably bringing forward the expected date of compliance within the London ‘zone’ (this is an explicit requirement of the Supreme Court ruling). This could fundamentally affect the applicable target for air quality mitigation, depending on any change to the future projected compliance status of the Greater London zone.

The timeline of the adoption of the Action Plan is also likely to be lengthy – this being subject to consultation, possible legal challenge and formal adoption by the European Union. This means that the final shape and details of future air quality compliance will not be definitively known for maybe two years or more.

The Commission’s own response to these issues was that it ‘considers that expansion at Heathrow should be capable of being incorporated into that plan without delaying compliance…’. At best, this is a massive hostage to fortune. At worst, it is a reflection of gross complacency and ‘throwing the problem over the fence’ (see paragraphs 14.112 – 14.114). In the Mayor’s view, this could not possibly be achieved when the Commission’s assessment makes no attempt to show how either the do minimum or limit values could be met because the mitigation package provided does not aim in any way to meet limit values – a fundamental requirement of the Action Plan. A very major new source of air pollution in an area which is non-compliant and which must become compliant within demanding timescales is a problem which cannot be dismissed so easily as the Commission appears to do.

Bearing in mind that an expanded Heathrow will almost certainly not be considered in the Action Plan, there are several possible outcomes. If the anticipated date of compliance in the Greater London zone is ahead of a new runway coming into operation, then by definition the air quality impacts of the expansion cannot be allowed to reverse that position. Such an outcome would require a comprehensive reassessment of the air quality impacts so as to not prejudice compliance with limit values at the earliest date projected by the Action Plan.The requirements would, by definition, be very demanding indeed. It would not be possible to extrapolate from the current assessment as the context and assumptions would have fundamentally changed. The level of assurance required would also be much more stringent, as the UK’s compliance status would be dependent on the outcome. Furthermore, this level of assurance would need to be given at all stages of the construction andoperational development of the new runway.

Should the expected date of compliance set out in the Action Plan correspond with the early stages of the bringing into use of the new capacity, then the incremental impacts of expansion would assume critical importance, as they would be acting in the opposite direction to all other factors affecting air quality at this time. Yet again, a completely revised assessment and very high levels of mitigation and assurance are called for.

Whatever the actual revised projected date of compliance, if it is the Government’s view that the Heathrow proposals must simply ‘fall into line’ with the trajectory to compliance set out in the ActionPlan, the requirement for mitigation and assurance, would be greater, possibly very much greater, than that assumed by the Commission. In all cases, the requirement must be for a completely revised assessment with very high levels of mitigation and assurance. This would imply difficult practical issues connected with the provision of surface access and significant additional costs, which have not been fully accounted for in the proposals and which should not properly fall on the public purse.

Whilst it cannot at this stage be known for certain, it is very likely that the Government’s Action Plan will significantly ‘raise the bar’ for the assessment and mitigation of air quality impacts. It surely will have to if it is to have any chance of being accepted by the European Commission and not leading to further proceedings in the domestic or European courts.  An expanded Heathrow will thereforeneed to comply with more stringent air quality requirements, to a tighter timescale, with a more stringent level of assurance, and at greater cost, than foreseen by the Commission. All this is on top, of course, of the generic under-estimation of the scale of impacts that TfL believe has taken place in the Commission’s assessment.

TfL have previously responded[7] to the Commission’s final consultation raising a number of concerns in relation to the technical methodology employed when undertaking the air quality modelling which concluded that the air quality impacts and necessary levels of mitigation had been underestimated.

It should therefore be recognised from the outset that a decision to expand Heathrow Airport based on the information to hand is not technically feasible and will potentially draw the Action Plan into disrepute. It is therefore inconceivable that the Government could be in a position to have sufficient information to make a reasonable and proper determination on the basis of air quality impacts at this point.

Further work required

  • Revision and updating of the partial approach to traffic demand estimation provided by the Commission to date is required, and a re-working of the air quality impacts assessment on this basis is also required (for further comment, see Surface Access section).
  • The Government should produce a ‘road map’ detailing how impacts constrained to the ‘do minimum’ case would be achieved, and how the proposals work towards compliance with air quality limit valuesat the earliest possible date.
  • Mitigation should be presented with the (at least minimum) aim of delivering air quality representative of the situation without the expansion, in the case that the London zone is still forecast to be non-compliant in Defra’s most recent assessment rather than just seeking to mitigate to the ‘next least worst’ (and higher concentration) road link within the London zone.
  • Should the Government’s NO2 Action Plan project zonal compliance for Greater London by the time of opening of an expanded Heathrow, then the Government should provide a robust and costed assessment that demonstrates that limit values will not be infringed at any stage.
  • The Government’s decision on the proposals must consider the parallel requirement to respond to the Supreme Court’s order by an NO2 Action Plan. Sufficient information needs to be available for the Government to make a proper determination on the basis of air quality impacts. This is unlikely to be possible for up to two years.

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The section on air quality from Hounslow Borough Council.  Link

2.0              QUESTION 1

Whether the indicative policies and proposed mitigations set out in the Airports Commission’s recommended option are realistic and achievable

AIR QUALITY

2.1              Local air quality is extremely important to us but is now also an issue of national significance.  As a result of a Supreme Court decision, the UK Government must by the end of 2015 submit an action plan detailing how it will meet the standards for Nitrogen Dioxide.  This will create a supervised process for regional and national measures required to resolve the background air quality issue.

2.2              Nitrogen Dioxide (NOx) concentrations within the Heathrow area are higher than the permitted EU limit and have been for a considerable length of time.  The London Borough of Hounslow has been designated as an Air Quality Management Area (AQMA) due to exceedances in Nitrogen Dioxide.

2.3              The Council accepts that there is a balance to be struck between the vibrancy of the economy and the environmental effect of the airport operation whether expanded or not.  In a recent community survey undertaken by Hounslow Council, 70% or respondents said that they were concerned about poor air quality and high levels of pollution in the Borough.  Continuing poor air quality without the prospect of improvement after 20 years of policy implementation is not acceptable.

2.4              Hounslow Council believe that any future expansion at Heathrow Airport that does not meet the EU limit value objective for Nitrogen Dioxide or pushes a compliant area back above the limit could be deemed unlawful. In any case, this would be unacceptable in a civilised society. Were the present levels of air pollution in our Borough to be visible in the same way as twentieth century smog, action would have been taken far earlier. This pollution is no less harmful to our citizens.

2.5              We welcome the Commission’s recognition of the need for air quality mitigation measures to be implemented because congestion on our Borough’s road network generated by the presence of Heathrow is a significant issue. It gives rise to poor air quality, affects community health and limits the ability of our local economy to diversity.

2.6              Within their Final Report, the Airports Commission proposed that any new capacity at Heathrow should not be released unless doing so would not delay compliance with European law on air quality. The Commission found that this would require a package of mitigation measures, notably the introduction of a congestion or access charging scheme and measures to encourage surface access by public transport.

2.7              However, we believe that the proposed mitigation measures related to air quality should be implemented before any expansion takes place. Then further measures should be introduced should expansion plans be authorised.

 

2.8              The proposed third runway is estimated to bring Heathrow’s total capacity up to 740,000 air traffic movements (ATMs) per annum.  The Airports Commission has recommended that slot capacity at an expanded Heathrow should only be released when it is clear that the air quality at sites around the airport will not delay compliance with the EU Air Quality Directive.

2.9              For Hounslow, the crucial point is the definition of “around the airport”.  It would be relatively easy for the owners of the Airport to achieve compliance within or close to their own boundaries by, for example, using electric vehicles for terminal activities or by employing a congestion charging scheme at their perimeter.  But such measures would not of themselves improve air quality in Boroughs such as ours which are affected by petrol and diesel powered road vehicles running to and from the airport as well as by pollution from aircraft overflying us. Indeed, some of the proposed mitigation measures outlined by the promoter such as an alternative congestion charging zone could simply result in an increase in congestion on the road network in our Borough through traffic displacement.

2.10              If a legally binding agreement is placed on the airport operator that capacity will only be released if compliance with the Directive is not delayed, we require a guarantee that the definition of “around the airport” includes our community.

2.11              Past experience of pledges by the owners of Heathrow causes us to question the willingness of governmental agencies to hold them to such a guarantee after committing expenditure to building the runway. We ask the Committee to recommend that the linkage between improved air quality and the release of new capacity must be totally legally binding with meaningful penalties for abuse.

2.12              Mitigation is so important to us because there are potential increases, albeit small, in the present unacceptable levels of NOx, PM10 and PM2.5 emissions due to surface access flowing from the Heathrow third runway proposals.  These will make task of delivering Hounslow Council’s Local Air Quality Management (LAQM) obligations even more difficult as demonstrated by DEFRA’s PCM maps which indicate exceedances of the annual mean limit value for NO2 along A4 (Bath Road & Great West Road), A312 and A316.

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The full list of published responses can be seen at 

http://ift.tt/1FteWyl.

 

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ABTA’s response does not even mention the air quality issue.

 

 



via Airportwatch http://ift.tt/1JoQZ6y

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